the wake of the successful character program known in Fazio, presents us with the Albanian adventure Whatever the concept in a unified and well-structured story. And in the film are all the wickedness of a character who, from time to time, it seems more real than that, all things considered, the film tends to tell how fake and imaginary. And if the great flaw of the film is to look too exaggerated to be real, yet we know that the fantasy has been overtaken by reality in Italy. So any idea of \u200b\u200bthe worst Cetto is practiced and updated by the management of this class Berlusconi that never ends: from the vulgarity of the character, the social indifference to the need to get elected so that his village in the end result of the law. are things known, and if the film fails to bite it is because those same things we experience every day and every day we realize how much we hurt this policy, that culture embodied by Berlusconi.
Yet we laugh, and great credit, the film presents us with a personal and social indifference that should give pause: Cetto is a despicable man, whose values \u200b\u200bare the opposite of all humanity. He is not afraid to be replaced by his son to escape the prison and is happy when his son, going out, shows that he had become a criminal. He leaves his wife and then welcomes her lover is arrested and repatriated, because feelings are a burden and an encumbrance . And, in relationship to the child is clearly shown, Cetto becomes an educational model of our society, because a successful model extorted by deception and fraud. But it still happened.
And laughing reflection of taste and also, we go home bitter and disillusioned, as if aware that it can not do anything to change this culture ...
«[...] When reaching out and finally I opened my mouth to explain, it was already too late. It was not lack of courage. I did not trust. Not enough. Not enough to put my life and my feelings in one's hands. And it wears me out trying to fix something all by yourself. Vanity loser. I had recognize, in life I had always lost. "
Totò Cuffaro sentenced to seven years in prison for criminal association and think how strange that in the past I thought it was a great exponent of anti-mafia
the anti-mafia Cuffaro
Ruby Case-Gate: Berlusconi accused of aiding and abetting prostitution, but by .... For some parties with Arcore of harmless girls (ine?) Also told him about the 'first wife was the case when the divorce of her friend Letizia.
Dictyostelium discoideum is an amoeba, a unicellular organism that moves in the decaying leaves them with organic, typically in the litter of dead leaves, humus, etc.., where it feeds the bacteria that thrive there. At the time of my textbook of Botany, of ... nt'anni ago, was still classified in quell'eterogeneo and fascinating group of non-mushroom fungus were the myxomycetes, I see that most modern taxonomies exclude any relationship with mushrooms and place it among the protists, while maintaining a vague reference in the name of the Phylum Micetozoi. The peculiarity of these organisms is the ability, when food or moisture starts to run low, to bring together tens of thousands of individual cells, which fuse together to form a pseudoplasmodio, that is a giant cellulone single, a few millimeters, with tens of thousands of nuclei. The pseudoplasmodio roughly takes the form of a snail crawling and migrate in search of more favorable environments, covering tens of centimeters. Found a niche, there is setting up to form a fruiting body with a stem and a bulb (sporangia) containing the spores to be released in the new environment, where individual cells back to being separate and independent entities. is an organism well known and studied in many laboratories around the world, so that now the biochemical mechanisms that govern the aggregation of cells are quite well known.
But a few days ago an article published in the journal Nature (1) reveals an hitherto unknown, and our rather impressive Dictyostelium : Some clones of these amoebae have the ability to bring behind their favorite bacteria during migration, then sow them to the new location. In practice, the cell line "farmers" stop eating a little before "non-farmers" and, before starting the migration, "the bags are" incorporating live bacteria which are then stored in appearing reproductive and released together with spores in the new habitat. This is an obvious advantage if the place where you develop the fruiting body lacks the bacterial flora, or that this is not particularly edible: the amoeba seed, literally, to feed upon the bacteria to grow around them itself. strains "non-farmers", on the other hand, have the advantage of eating more and accumulate greater amounts of energy, and it was noted that as long as they can find situations of abundance, they reproduce more efficiently strains "breeders." addition, "farmers" migrate, on average, for shorter distances, but it is said that this is a negative backlash due to the lower energy: maybe it is instead a positive effect on their ability to create for itself a more favorable environment , and then they need to do, on average, less road to find a suitable place. We humans have learned to play and raise our food sources, rather than just hunt them down, not before 10-11000 years ago, we were preceded by a few tens of millions of years from ants and termites, actively raising fungi and aphids, and now we find that this ability is present even in very simple organisms (and does a little impression noted that the invention of agriculture led to the man abandoned the nomadic life, and that even amoebas become more "sedentary" if they are able to sow their food).
But another aspect of this discovery has given me a bit to think about: how a micro-organism so well known, bred in the laboratory for a long time and the subject of studies around the world, today revealed only a feature that interesting? Brock and colleagues collected 35 wild clones of Dictyostelium, and found that about one third of them are "breeders of bacteria, a property which seems determined genetically. Laboratories around the world, for decades they exchanged their isolated, in search of the most favorable for its work in vitro, and the result is that virtually everyone uses the same strain, isolated in the '30s; just happened that this is a "non-breeder." are problems that happen when you do not consider variability as an intrinsic and essential species (and a bit of all our categories, however, identify them), but a sort of accident of disturbance. In this case were the contingencies of practical use to drive our knowledge towards a model uniformitaristico, and however the result was losing the essence of what he was observing. But in general it is still difficult to separate from the Platonic heritage that still invite us to consider the "ideal type" as a distinguishing feature of the categories through which we order our world view, and the change as an annoying flaw. We should learn to always consider the variability as a constituent of its own, distinctive, and positive irriducible of our classificatory categories: in a kind of evolution is diversity, not the approval, the measure of excellence.
(1) Debra A. Brock, Tracy E. Douglas, David C. Queller & Joan E. Strassmann Primitive agriculture in a social amoeba Nature, Vol: 469 (2011), Pages: 393-396.
reported what I write here on these primary Bolognese: I think I'm going to vote for these candidates is not very high thickness I they estimate that my role as a citizen is important: where no winning horse (not to say the Lord's anointed), perhaps the real politics can win ...
"less optimistic than others, and certainly more confused on the name to choose, I think I'm sure at least that I'm going to vote in Primary tomorrow. Perhaps one reason for which I think plausible: I strongly believe that the establishment of the primaries as a way to give opportunity to the electorate to choose a candidate within a list, makes a great test of democracy, then maybe you do not give the certainty of electoral victory, however, makes voters more active, reducing the likelihood of anti-politics so fashionable today, more participatory and more fussy costumes against the policy.
also vote because now more than ever it seems to me to choose between the lesser evil, I will be clear: I believe that none of the three can be held for the mayor of Bologna, because they are not politically equipped to hold the position of mayor and, for this, I think they need the support and interest of citizens. Do not vote would amount to leave them alone with their shortcomings, and I do not want this to happen: I want I can give credit for my participation in elections. I want you to know they are not alone, despite everything, because the policy as the city administration is entrusted to the "political", but it is in the hands of those with which citizens must work together. Surely I will not vote Zacchiroli, because it emphasized the communicative strategies that, nowadays, for me, have an inkling of drifts dangerously populist. For the rest it seems to me Merola the most suitable for the office of mayor (certainly more than Cevenini Frascaroli !!!), but I thought that was very interested in the various urban realities. The doubts are there, and there are many, the difficulty of choice will be bigger than ever. But I feel positive, that far from the great personalities of the past, we can aspire to a draft policy, but for this more vivid and closer to Bologna. Perhaps three will make a political brain, but I think by this report (which, unlike the recent primary, I find more collaborative), the mayor's brain can work well!
course, there will be some of the Bologna imaginative poets, will be a city more real, and with everyone's attention, the better ...
Berlusconi and the sexual factor: Italian politics and the absence of criticism. Urbina and Bongiorno
La Repubblica today, two interesting articles on the role of women in society and the connection between prostitution and politics:
Premier and the sexual factor , Nadia Urbinati
Citing evangelical maxim "he who is without sin ..." the President of the Lombardy Region, Roberto Formigoni said that "what is coming out [about the Prime Minister] is not something comforting, but it is to accompany the melancholy of what is coming out also considering the fact that the right to be respected someone's privacy. " This repeats a pattern popular topic - the moral and religious that is repeated every time Silvio Berlusconi has to deal with the effects of his private life public. But this argument is absolutely no place in political debate and the more rhetorical, did more to justify the President of the Council to give an account of what is happening in our country. As we read these days about the private habits of the premier coincides with when Veronica Lario had once said about her husband's condition and should be the basis for reflection that is by no means a moral or spiritual, but instead to do with the same competence of the Prime Minister to carry out its functions. In this view you can get if you take into account studies on emotions in politics, an increasingly important area of \u200b\u200bresearch and scientific facilities. The emotions were fisiopsicologici that students include one of the "visceral factors" behavioral factors that reason makes some effort to dominate, so that they need to rely on strategies as substitutes or support. The behavioral scientists include such "visceral factors" in the general category of the physiological, such as hunger, thirst and the need to evacuate, sexual desire is one of them. And like the others, it can cause compulsive behaviors that are an obstacle to decision because in their extreme forms strongly interfere with rational behavior and its rules. For this reason, we put strategies in the field as substitutes, such as when it is suggested that such conflicts or the mediators of the negotiators not to drink coffee before work because they need to take a diuretic because it may interfere with the action and distract the rational ' agent to point him to fail his task. The same is done with students who present themselves for a contest when you suggest them to refrain from eating or drinking certain substances before the exam to avoid having to deal with needs not be controlled at an inconvenient time. The sex factor is not a controlled "Visceral factors" of this type - the culture, or moral education and conduct practical work on humans from an early age just to make them able to regulate these emotions. The question is not so moralistic, but functional and practical: the aim of education should aim at the emotions of individuals do people capable of managing themselves in relationship with others and be effective collective agents. This is the case that the Italians today, a case linked to the abnormal sexual life of their prime minister, against which public actors, from politicians to average citizens the same, that should not make judgments of effectiveness, relevance and competence. A person who feel acutely the need to eat, hungry, it's probably not a good politician, not because it calls into question his cognitive disability - it is probably rather a person with great potential - but for his reliance on factual and objective factors that are beyond its control and urgent. Satisfy your appetite for the hungry is the first and most pressing need: everything else comes after. Thus, a person who organizes his working life in terms of a relaxation after work sex of the kind which our prime minister is dedicated to the systematic study, it is best suited to deal with affairs of state, because the other has head more and urge him not merely distracts from his civil service, but the interest to make its public function efficiently and directly under his control forever, not just a few hours of the day. The politician, especially when it occupies positions of responsibility as high as that of the Presidency of the Council of Ministers is not a political actor only a few hours of his day, but twenty-four hours as more and more available even in the event responsible for any exception that can happen a community and in which he has to make decisions. For this reason, even after work to relax, and certainly very human need, can never be a total after-work with total relaxation. Emotions are therefore a fact of which you can not ignore, especially when they relate to functions that are not easily rationalized. Their compulsive or extreme forms not only affect cognition, but in many cases held in check. Michael Liebowitz argued that "the alchemy of love" - \u200b\u200bthat of sexual desire - is similar to that produced by amphetamines as it reduces attention has acute effects on the world's awareness and perceptions of reality and may even affect other emotions fisiopsicologiche like hunger and thirst. Moreover, it has effects that last several hours predictably putting the person in an objective condition of cognitive and practical difficulties. Who among us would entrust their interests to a person who has this kind of emotion? The question that faces our country is clear from this type of application, and it is a matter of functional incompetence, not so much of sin, venial or mortal be.
******
women trampled We can not but speak , Giulia Bongiorno
Dear Editor, when conducting an investigation concerning a public figure, the inevitable amplification media that follows is insidious. Usually, the items disclosed are only those collected by prosecutors. Therefore end up award chrism parziali.E thesis of truth to the idea that it is public opinion can be altered. As a lawyer, so I feel obliged to point out that the investigation into Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi should not be an exception: before making judgments on the merits of the allegations made against him by the prosecution, we must no doubt await the developments of the proceedings. Given this premise, but I hasten to add that I am not agree with those who use this argument as a weapon to crush any type of critical reflection: I have indeed heard these days rely on the presumption of innocence in order to silence those who challenged not consummation of the offense but emerged historical facts objectively, without which no process will never erase. Ultimately, if an order is first necessary to wait for clarification on the existence of certain crimes, one can not ignore what has emerged that not everything these days is "awaiting trial": the context in which the objective would be ripe procedural events did not suddenly pierced a veil and showed a totally new and unexpected profile of the premier. In the classrooms of Milan, Silvio Berlusconi will discuss whether or not to have consumed the crime of child prostitution and extortion, but was not necessarily the events underlying these claims - or a sentence - to know his views on women. Opinion that, if not criminal law, however, has huge political importance. An opinion expressed by himself unequivocally with jokes, jokes, public and private talks. An opinion that has emerged already through the declarations of Veronica Lario, the most recent of Barbara Berlusconi (two very credible witnesses), the story of Letizia and Patrick D'Addario, and by the singular issue for some women, perhaps first entered the lists of nominations for the 2009 European and then from that list definitely missing. What Silvio Berlusconi appears to be fully appreciated in the female gender is the beauty, to the point of overshadowing requirements of very different thickness (I think remained in the memory of all the crudeness of the measure to Mrs Rosy Bindi), even better, then, if a physical appearance of a certain type is accompanied by a young age, compliance and willingness to abdicate their critical spirit. face of all this, I felt it would be argued that issues of privacy and therefore prime minister - for that very reason - should cover only him and his conscience. No, it does not. There is no room to support it: the style and philosophy of life of a man who holds the office of President of the Council can not fail to affect public life. This is demonstrated by the fact that Berlusconi, with his words and behavior, has inflicted a wound to all Italian women: women who study and work (often feeling inadequate salaries or, as in the case of housewives, viewed not at all), all of us who find it hard one day after ' another, women who achieve positions of importance not only to certain parties did not go there, but rather had to give up seeing friends, to those who, instead of looking for shortcuts, have traveled with dignity the way of commitment and sacrifice . And for those that have been asked, more or less explicitly, to choose between privacy and public life, for a reconciliation with his son's success would be too difficult with the result that waived their right to motherhood, or that we have come far beyond the time when they wanted. Each of them - when women are chosen and "rewarded" by not to merit but to something else with the professionalism, commitment, intelligence has little or nothing to do - was poured upon the futility of his sacrifice. Burn, this wound. Burns also did not escape because they are really in a lot of stress, perhaps even with a hint of envy, luck and charm of a mature man who more or less surrounded by handsome young contending his favors, ready for anything just to please him. Although, in a macho country like ours, the complicity between men crowd but not surprising. But it is not only a wound inflicted on the dignity of women, there's more, never the battles of the President of the Council have coincided with the struggles of women. It is sufficient to recall that in the lists of priorities of this government, that are gradually pitted, figure of all - first of all, battles against judges "communist" - but never, never, battles for women. As if women did not have real problems and can not be postponed. As it can be assumed that the laws to combat pm "politicized" are more urgent than they should be meet the needs of all of us? Then cover with the excuse of confidentiality of investigations, or the fragile shield of privacy, what is not secret, nor confidential. But it is women who first have to be strong for their dignity and awareness of their value - regardless of age, political belief, geographical location - in a loud voice to express the anger that inspires this mentality, I'm sure, in the vast most of us. If they believe the men also continue to admire and support Silvio Berlusconi, the women, please, no.
In South Africa, 2010 ended with a total of 333 rhinos killed by poachers, were 122 in 2009. 146 rhinos were killed in the Kruger National Park alone, in the northeast, where poachers are likely to be introduced from neighboring Zimbabwe and Mozambique, taking advantage of a more lax supervision. Almost all were southern white rhinos (Ceratotherium simum simum ), a species considered most at risk, but also have lost 10 copies of Diceros bicornis, black rhinoceros (photo), very high risk of extinction. The budget year is completed with five poachers killed and seven arrested, but the rate of reproduction is not comparable between the two groups in conflict. The reason for this escalation in the number almost tripled in one year, mainly of animals killed illegally is that poachers are equipped with increasingly advanced technologies: a helicopter ride parks in the hours of darkness, using infrared goggles Night vision, shoot with the latest and most powerful guns in existence today, land, cut off the horn of the killed, and fly away before the Rangers have any chance to intervene. But how is it that poachers can be taken as tools sophisticated in committing their crimes? It 'easy to understand: the trade in rhino horn is banned worldwide, but the demand is so strong that, on the black market, every single piece has reached a value that is estimated in the range of $ 70,000. These figures make it possible investments in frightening poaching. And finally, the one and only reason why the market values \u200b\u200bare so high and demand so strong, is that the rhino horn is still considered an important drug in traditional medicine in Asia. So, the only engine that keeps you going all this butchery, with criminals who were fitted with helicopters and instruments worthy of a war, and all this mass of money is essentially a superstition.
Legend of the Grand Inquisitor: A Reading of G. Zagrebelsky
the culture page of the "Republic", the text of GZ for a conference today at the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei.
"Judging not only by quantity but also the quality of quotations, his interpretations of literary, theatrical and film the attractive force of Legend of the Grand Inquisitor it contained Dostoevsky's The Brothers Karamazov, after almost a century and a half has not diminished. Indeed, it has grown. And the reason it is crucial to the force with which it raises from the back issues that always renew cl turn of the ages and can not escape. Freedom in the face of good and evil, freedom as a blessing or curse, nihilism and violence, happiness, unhappiness of human beings, that is the nature of their being, the meaning of life and sio result in death and pain and redemption from sin and from pain; religion and atheism, Christianity, as Roman Catholic, and socialism as a means of control of consciousness and levels of society. [...] Today, now that what was then announced in front of us is fully deployed, the Grand Inquisitor's voice can be heard otherwise, above the political interpretations, as a prediction, a prophecy of doom, if not as an announcement that affects all apocalyptic in present time. Here to get started, accept the law as a general discussion on the government. Where does obedience in the hearts of human beings? The Grand Inquisitor has an answer, and it is frightening, inhuman, or perhaps too umnan: obedience springs from hatred of freedom. MA questaffermazione is generic. The hatred for freedom is a characteristic of systems based on raison d'etat and the truth of the State. In legged find something much more impressive, that freedom is not hatred of the rulers, but of the governed. What we are talking about is the "voluntary servitude", not the servitude imposed by coercion of wills. "Reason of state Reason of the vulgar" The time when we can locate the action is told in the sixteenth century, when it takes the form of the modern state and the existence of a double svla law and double standards a routine for ordinary and extraordinary Motala regarding the rulers, who look after the best interests of the state: survival, protection, grandeur. These interests are in the heart of power and must escape the sight of the mob, incapable of genuine political visions. Their care is given to the people of the state, where the task is not to honor the common reason, but to follow the reason of state. Those who know the arcana of power, ie started the arts of government, are authorized, if necessary, to free themselves from the common morality of the average man and provlamare what, in modern terms, it says the "state of exception". The Reason of State, therefore, is a resource for those in power at the service of that entity that metaphysics is the state itself, without which human beings can not live. The people are bound to the laws of his moral ideal to guide social relationships. But there is a higher sphere, one in which the state power. Here is a secret moral in the eyes of ordinary people is incomprehensible, even scandalous. The end of the good society is the common mrale. The end of political morality is also virtue, but it is the power of the state requires, whatever the cost, the ruin of enemies. The Grand Inquisitor anc'egli is immersed in the distinction between those who know the realities of power and those who ignore it. But, to legitimize the power of the first and the subjection of seconds, does not address the reason of state. There is no middle ground, between those who have the power and who is subjected to power, the state, this superhuman entity that has its own objective laws and its abstract and cold institutions. For the Inquisitor is all very human. He has his ptorebbe say what is the reason of the multitude. It should not protect the state by folding the subjects, not even the theoretical p of emergency powers. Appeals not to the nature of the state, but that of men. Its government is a benign, not against, but for them. The reason of state is resolved, ultimately, government violence directed only for the purpose. The reason of the multitude is not resolved in vilenza, but the seduction or, to use the famous expression of Tocqueville, in a "protecting power, absolute, detailed, regular, provident and mild" to eliminate violence from their horizon. The Grand Inquisitor is a want to be reassured that all of Amoco. For this, his morale is one, and the vulgar. Both the Inquisitors as their subjects will be bent. The difference is this: the former are suffering because they are aware, the second happy because ignorant. The former are, in their own way of despots-servants, who are on the side of innocent humanity that knows nothing except their miserable being. The Renaissance prince, who embodies the reason of state, seen everywhere from potential off; the Inquisitor D. seen everywhere from potential friends and flatter to deceive. Frighten or flatter, in the exercise of government. This is a fundamental difference!
Reason faith and reason of the multitude The legend does not speak of an inquisitor in the sense that the word has taken on in the history of intolerance toward the enemies of the Christian faith. Here too, you have to take away. [...] The end, for all the inquisition in the service of dogma, is the defeat of heresy. It 's a fine of a spiritual nature: the idea that off sowing doubts, attacking the unity of the faith. And the greatest victory is the recantation that reaffirms the truth. Inquisitor of the legend has to do with truth and heresy. He has to do with the dough that make up humanity, which is at the service., Its task is not correct, but give comfort. Its great find is this: the power may be absolute if it is not proposed to change, to punish, restrain human nature, but if he respects the way it is and allowed to vent. It 'a power, certainly, but it is a power man, by man's common. The inquisitors could be regarded as agents of Christian charity. Their task was the salvation of the souls of Devine, whatever behave: rape, torture and imprisonment. The Legend of Notre Inquisitor, however, eschews this. He knows human nature and has compassion. With its accompanying media. Do not want to awaken to the truth, but yes lull it to sleep before they appeared at the knowledge of good and evil, that is freedom. Once again, the reason that the move is that "the vulgar". The Inquisitor D. come before those of the Inquisition: they must repress that take care of prevention is not to punish then necessary.
Two parallel surveys held in Britain and the United States in spring 2010 gave almost identical results: in Britain people believe that the Earth's temperature is rising has increased from 91% to 78% in five years from 2005 to 2010, in California the percentage increased over the same period, from '84% to 74%. They were the first polls after the failure of the Copenhagen Summit, the British researchers attributed the decline to the fact that the winter of 2009-2010 there had been some heavy snow (the one in previous speeches Links we defined "reasoning of the housewife": it takes two days in cold country and say 'come in and tell us all the bales on global warming "). But I think interpretation is insufficient, and we'll be back on the end. Instead, the data from NASA's newly published say that 2010 was the warmest year in the history of meteorological measurements from 1880 to present; exceeds by 0.01 ° C, the previous record in 2005. The most impressive, though, to get an idea of \u200b\u200bthe general trend is the ranking of the first seven warmest years, ever since 1880 to present: 1) 2010; 2) 2005 3) 1998 4) 2002 5) 2003; 6) 2006 7) 2007.
Meanwhile, the false agreement scribbled at the last minute in Copenhagen, which aims to increase not more than 2 ° C temperature of the planet, without specifying constraints and ways to achieve it (and an increase of 2 ° C corresponds in the various models previsonali possible, to a 50% chance not to have catastrophic consequences, so if the target was reached, would guadgnarsi the opportunity to gamble on heads or tails), is already sidelined by sudiosi, which begin to scenarios predict warming of up to 4 ° C within this century, not at all far from reality, given the continuing inaction of world governments in efforts to reduce CO2 emissions.
So when you heard the sad joke to break the current economic crisis should be measures to boost consumption, there is crying? In this, we must recognize that there are a multitude of heads of government around the world perfectly aligned to our clown. Blindness, here, is doubly guilty: it adds not see that the current collapse of the market economy is not a cyclical phase that will follow a recovery, but it is a crisis of saturation, and therefore irreversible, and the recipes neoliberal disease and are not a cure, in addition to not wanting to consider the less immediate consequences (now we can no longer even say long-term) consumption in the race continue. The latter is probably a limitation inherent in the very dangerous sitemi Democrats: no Government invest in popularity for reasons which go beyond the next elections. This limit could be exceeded only in the presence of a conscious and informed citizenship, but (and return to the initial survey) is much easier to get rid of the consciousness of the problems by controlling the information, which makes designing a different future.
The Constitutional Court has considered eligible for two of the three referendum questions brought against the obligation to give private operators the distribution of drinking water. In the spring vote. Find out more by looking in "Water Common Good" on the right.
as a commodity in the era of Berlusconi, A. Schiavone
While the careful and calibrated away Tremonti is adding another boost - decisive? - The landslide system of government launched by the center after the victory of 2008, the Prime Minister does not seem to be able to do is talk to the country of communists and magistrates, not the crisis from which you can not come out, not young which has not been able to offer perspective, not working and production in the world that awaits us, but only of the obsessions that have never ceased to accompany him, and at other times he was able to transform into words for a mass mobilization of emotional so inconclusive as victorious. In fact, in addition to its ghosts, but there is another theme that takes these days Berlusconi: his own "recruitment drive" of MPs from any source, in an attempt to give depth to a small majority until 'inconsistency. Err, if paid at the obstinacy with which to explain all this effort is repeated with only the desperation of the last hour, with a strategic deficit that does not allow any other way of salvation in what remains of what had been (it seems ages ago) a massive majority. In short, with a contingency of the moment. Instead, there is something deeper that turns nell'accanimento on this goal. Something that concerns "structurally" to Berlusconi: not just to his grueling, risky epilogue to that kind of endless "Way of the Cross" which is putting Italian democracy, but concerns from the outset that the original character of that experience, although now only in the final collapse, appears in full light. These two elements, namely online. The first is the idea policy - the choices and behaviors that influence and determine - as a commodity, and not as rules and procedures, like simple exchange, and not as a method and as a set of principles and values \u200b\u200bare not negotiable. If you are accustomed to thinking that all that matters - the entirety of our lives - passing through the market, if everything can be bought and sold, as has its (fair) price, because this should not also cover the 'Parliamentary field? If politics as such, itself, does not appear other than as a "product" to promote and to place, because the transaction may not involve the review and the vote of this or that subject? It is not to invoke the existence of ancient changed, because there is something radically new in practice Berlusconi: his represent themselves as absolutely normal, physiological condition as of politics. is clear that in a similar way of thinking is overwhelmed distinguish capital, constitutive of modernity: that between ethics, politics and economics. But this is not so possessed and poisoned the late fruit of an irreversible decline: it is part, however, Berlusconi's adventure of the genetic code, a "normal" deformed that you tried for almost two decades to impose Italy, shouted by millions of television sets. It is the very soul of quell'ipermercatismo without measure and without limits that has been the heart of the message that the employer (even before the political) Berlusconi has turned Italy from the beginning - reversing the conflict of interest in its most effective credential (see who they are and Where I come!) - trying to pass it off as the announcement of a great liberal revolution. It is a style that can not find his most apt metaphor-the "recruitment drive", in fact - if not elsewhere in the world of football, the most devastated by un'anomia marketism pushed to the monstrous. The crisis has swept away the material conditions of those claims, and we are beginning to understand how much more of us need not be broken up fury of the acquisitive that there was enhanced. But it still survives as a toxin ideological abdication as ethics, not least when such resignation to a "normality", of course, that would realistically no alternative. In this collapse as a bad lesson, unfortunately, our recent cross predispositions old. Healing will not be easy. The second element of which was said to regard what could be defined as the continuous process of disarticulation of the parties (including her) as a permanent feature of the Berlusconi. Again, we are faced with something organic, not accidental or contingent. The choice of the acquisition of individual MPs instead the negotiations with the respective sides does nothing but extend that relationship of trust between the people and personalistic and its leader, typical of Berlusconi's plebiscite, the land itself to the sphere of electoral parliamentary reports: to carry it, so to speak, to the polls rooms. Memberships do not count, it is not the mandate from the voters, when the leader is to call: count only the direct relationship with him - it matters little that is explicitly mediated by money, or another type of exchange. The parties (including his) formations are inherently useless in this dynamic, and indeed for Berlusconi and always have been. But it goes only so it is out of the modern representative democracy, because it replaces the representation of social interests articulated personalistic of the pure relationship with the elected leader, called to express them all. If the PDL has a soul, its executives should begin to reflect themselves. What to expect afterwards? But maybe someone is already beginning to do so.
Inside the loft, met the executives of the Grand Opposition Party. The faces were drawn, the time was crucial milestones important inexorably approaching. The next board meetings would have had to decide the topics for discussion to bring the National Congress: it was on the table the proposal innovative and disruptive to change its name to the Party, to better characterize the eyes of voters, but there was great uncertainty on the solution adopt: "Moderate Democrats" was the most quoted, but most of the executives seemed too outrageous and unbalanced, and the alternative proposals seemed unconvincing, from "Very Moderate Democrats" to "Forward Italy, but with Judgement" to "Moderate Party for the Preservation and the cautious reformism" to "Stay Calm Italy," and so forth ; a hard diplomatic work of the Great Weaver from the various schools of thought could develop a compromise that pleases no one, but displeased that no "moderate Democrats Far more moderate so you can not" (DMMMCPMCNP ).
Outside the loft, on the streets and squares, ocean parades of students marched from the crowd applauded, to demand access to knowledge for everyone, and not limited by wealth.
Inside the loft, the leaders of Great opposition parties quarreled about the new symbol worn oaks, daisies, trees, carnations, orchids and hydrangeas, to find a compromise solution that does not appear too unconventional and that would not upset anyone, The Great Weaver had to resort to a treaty of Systematic Botany to locate the Jerusalem artichoke (Helianthus tuberosum ) as appropriate icon to seduce the electorate.
Outside the loft, the factories closed and the workers, principals, climbed on the roofs, and their solidarity with the crowd. The whole country was now aware that the idol of the Free Market, which had been worshiped as the totem of the new religion, was a trap, which only served to put the world's poor, not business, in competition with each other.
Inside the loft, the directors of the Grand Opposition Party studying polls and trends, and the Grand Opposition Party was still inevitably down from time immemorial, but the leaders were counting on their ability to weave alliances. The aims were, as always aimed primarily at Catto-Catholics, but we must not upset the moderate secular movement, without failing in its pact with moderates for moderation, and this entire network of strategic alliances should not however prevent the reunification tactics of the Party merged with the fugitives by a party group Centre moderately moderate Future, and the other in Moderately Reformists.
Outside the loft, foreign workers being exploited and cheated by unfair laws that prevented them from obtaining documents if they did not work, and if they did not have work papers, demanded dignity, they also finally found the solidarity of the people, except for some illiterate with a green tie.
Inside the loft, the debate was raging. The Secretary proposed to give priority in the long term, the unification of all forces of moderation and reform, and reduce the scope tactical alliance with the bad-Catholics as part of a framework agreement that could involve other forces ... "We have a plan?" Quote Trillò happy Rosa. The theoretician of reform presented a proposal for religion classes mandatory in all university curricula, perhaps by cutting less essential subjects like mathematics, in order to produce a platform of understanding with the bad-Catholics.
Outside the loft, the law required it to privatize the drinking water had mobilized millions of people who had rushed to sign the recall referendum, knowing that a vital common good can not be reduced to a commodity subject to pursuit of profit. Also grew the movement for land conservation, inexorably consumed by a cement increasingly wild and more unnecessary, given the stagnation of the population.
Days passed, weeks and months.
Inside the loft, the meetings followed one another and the Grand Opposition Party to focus on the basic themes of the forthcoming electoral campaign topics needed to attract the attention of the masses and slogans to the effect that might seem like kind of proposals. The Mayor stressed the importance of upholding the law on the privatization of drinking water, because there were a lot of money at stake for the former municipal company spent hours in the hands of friends of friends.
Outside the loft, increasing and spreading the knowledge that a market economy based on waste and the continuous increase in consumption was no longer (never been) sustainable, and that the planet on which we live can not afford it. They needed a whole new economic model, based on the planning of the use of available resources to produce only what is essential, and give up unnecessary. Almost the whole world now knew that the era of blind liberalism was over, and that the "invisible hand" of Adam Smith was a false myth of the nineteenth century Victorian.
Inside the loft, projects and proposals of the Grand Opposition Party took shape: - income support measures to boost consumption, more free enterprise, more flexible labor relations; less state, more market - ruled the economic managers. Everyone applauded the slogan highly innovative: we must give new impetus to economic liberalism. - Measures to support the building, to allow municipalities to recover resources, we encourage new development. - Head of the proposed Local Authorities.
Outside the loft, students, workers, intellectuals, immigrants, retirees, temporary workers had joined forces and now they all show together: filled every street and every square, it was all over the country in block foam and boiled in a storm of liberation : claiming a future project, a company with low power consumption, based on the use aware of the resources outside the logical profit, with a fair distribution of essential goods and services. A world where, if goods could move freely, were able to move freely even people, were able to move freely and, above all the rights and protections, because the poor of the earth were not forced to get in competition with each other to offer their arms at the lowest price. Elementary bodies.
Inside the loft, the Grand Opposition Party to complete its plans to meet with the favor of their own people: - We must not forget to focus on the problem of security is closely tied to immigration: We need more repressive. - Established the ExDemocristiano. While gossip wars just and democratic, the trumpet, which follow the discussion by sitting on the sidelines, casually tossed out the window the eye. "What's out there?" "Mah .. do not know. Disorders. I do not understand."
Carry an interesting article by S. Luzzatto, released on Sunday de Il Sole 24 Ore . Interesting, because it focuses on the distinction, and lack of communication skills that are Squaderno in disputes and in the reaction of the authoritarian government. I personally believe that the inability to accept the discomfort of society is the major fault of this political class (the "big babies" really has to do less, showed that output at the bottom of a problem youth), and the capacity of policy to "identify problems and propose solutions ad hoc" there it does little in the face of the inability to "grasp the overall picture" and even the solutions are proposed according to a logic of politics, the self-referential. Some examples are wrong, otherwise I agree with the basic message: these young people have grasped the situation very well, but fail to translate events in the legislative power, while political cares ...
"The joke about the" big babies ", Mammon Italians who are unlikely to age of parents at home, unmarried, without being self-employed, short, without being great, was perhaps the most unhappy in his brief political career Tommaso Padoa-Schioppa. Pronounced in the fall of 2007 to the Committees of the Senate and House budget, the joke of the former economy minister who died recently has become the paradigm of the inability of our leadership to understand the discomfort of the new generations : generations condemned to a fate not to Peter Pan immaturity or mammismo, but - rather - from something as a social system of cultural and economic insecurity.
If even a civil servant integrity and value of Padoa-Schioppa had trouble understanding the drama of the Italian youth of today, how surprised the dialogue of the deaf which ended up being reduced to the comparison between the Minister and Mariastella Gelmini university students during the final stage of the parliamentary path that has translated into law reform at the University? More than a comparison was, in fact, a very hard fight. But now that the casus belli has failed, the reform Gelmini having been finally approved, it is worth asking if the forms taken by the confrontation itself does not reflect - beyond the contingency - a structural feature of Republican history.
contestation "regardless" of Reform Gelmini explained the historical inability of the student movements and youth to sharpen the eye, recognizing the positive can come from the country experiences of reform, even if promoted by a government discredited as now the Berlusconi government. At the same time, the protest anti-Gelmini has shown the ability of those same movements to look at the big picture, the overview: capturing the essence of the political logic behind the "details" technical. Conversely, the litigation has shown, in our ruling classes, a capacity and an inability to equal and opposite. The ability to identify problems and substantial, and ad hoc solutions, the inability to grasp the overall picture, the macro rather than micro. The dialogue of the deaf Gelmini reform comes from this: from a problem - we might say - of focus. It is as if, in Italy, the youth movements against a camera with wide angle, the ruling classes a machine with the telephoto lens, and one other failed to achieve proper depth of field.
had happened already at the time of Sixty. So, the ruling classes the center had to collide hard with the youth movements, and had failed to pass a reform inherently democratic system of higher education: a reform which sought to overcome the University "class" model inherited from the Savoy and fascist liberalizing access the different faculties, maximizing system to the right to education, promoting evening classes for working students. Even then, the protest of the students had taken a conservative value objectively. Unable to grasp the virtuality of the reform advocated by the center, the youth movements had inadvertently ended up defending the status quo of a University of "barons", pyramidal, corrupt, inefficient.
Yet, already in Sixty-eight movements were shown to be perceived as the Italian ruling classes are not equal to be a historic challenge that invested through the University, the whole question of relations between classes, between genders, between generations. At a time when higher education tended now to become a mass phenomenon, a university reform requires more than small or large adjustments of the old nineteenth-century and early-twentieth-century model, the German model of Wilhelm von Humboldt and the Italian one Giovanni Gentile. In the absence of a truly new model, the democratization of the university would not be enough to avert the risk (the story has further shown) of a reproduction of the traditional elites.
Today, things seem to recur in similar terms to 1968 and its surroundings. Unable to look at the micro, student movements and youth who took to the streets against the minister Gelmini have not been able to recognize the individual strengths of the university reform. They thus gave the impression of defending, objectively, an unacceptable status quo, without considering the benefits that may derive from an Italian university system renewed governance of universities, on the one enhancing the role of departments as compared to that of right, to be a return to national procedures besides local recruitment of teachers.
At the same time, forty years ago today as the Italian ruling classes seem incapable of looking at the macro. In recent months, their "support" for reform Gelmini was not accompanied with an appropriate reflection of unease about the younger generation: to express unease that a protest against the university reform has been little more than a pretext. It is the discomfort of a "Rebel Without a Cause" (as defined in the recently Barbara Spinelli), which rejects much more than the new governance of universities, the future reorganization of the faculty or the teaching of national recruitment. More profoundly, the youth took to the streets rejects a "reformer" that seems to threaten - to indiscriminate shots budget cuts - the very ideal of a public education system while maximizing a culture of insecurity and accept as obvious the brain drain.
Today, this is the big picture: the real risk is that new generations of Italians grow increasingly impoverished cultural and social resources available to the country system. So the joke of the President anti-Gelmini Berlusconi on students as those "social centers" and "out-going" ("real students are studying at home) can also unhappy joke Padoa-Schioppa on the big babies."
